The Voyage of Bran

[Fairlie]

The Voyage of Bran

by Kuno Meyer

[1895]

This is Kuno Meyer's translation of the old Irish saga, the Voyage of Bran. In this magical odyssey to the limits of reality, Bran takes a characteristically time-dilated journey to a distant isle of luxury. On return, he learns that ages have passed and he and his expedition have already passed into myth. He can never again touch the soil of his homeland and sails off again. The text references ancient Celtic gods and also contains quasi-prophetic passages added at a later date by Christian scribes.

The appendices contain extracts from other Irish texts about Mongan, who is mentioned in the Bran saga, the son of Manannan mac Lir, the Celtic sea-god. This is of interest because of the descriptions of the training of bards, and lore of human visits to the Sídhe, the fairies.

Production notes: due to the limits of current OCR technology, we had to omit critical footnotes to the Irish text, several extended Gaelic passages from the appendices, and the index section. Large lacunae of this nature are noted in green text. The edition we used also omitted a long essay by Alfred Nutt, which we will transcribe at some point in the future if we can locate a first edition. We did manage to include the entire Gaelic text of the Voyage of Bran in parallel with the English translation, as well as all footnotes relevant to the English translations. Because we were unable to spellcheck this document (MS Word's spellchecker broke down on it repeatedly), it may contain typos in both the English and Gaelic. However, we did several careful passes on each page. We welcome any notice of errors in this document from readers.



http://sacred-texts.com/neu/celt/vob/index.htm

[Fairlie]

The Voyage of Bran

INTRODUCTION

THE old-Irish tale which is here edited and fully translated 1 for the first time, has come down to us in seven MSS. of different age and varying value. It is unfortunate that the oldest copy (U), that contained on p. 121a of the Leabhar na hUidhre, a MS. written about 1100 A.D., is a mere fragment, containing but the very end of the story from lil in chertle dia dernaind (§ 62 of my edition) to the conclusion. The other six MSS. all belong to a much later age, the fourteenth, fifteenth, and sixteenth centuries respectively. Here follow a list and description of these MSS.:--

By R I denote a copy contained in the well-known Bodleian vellum quarto, marked Rawlinson B. 512, fo. 119a, 1-120b, 2. For a detailed description of this codex, see the Rolls edition of the Tripartite Life, vol. i. pp. xiv.-xlv. As the folios containing the copy of our text belong to that portion of the MS. which begins with the Baile in Scáil (fo. 101a), it is very probable that, like this tale, they were copied from the lost book of Dubdálethe, bishop of

p. viii

[paragraph continues] Armagh from 1049 to 1064. See Rev. Celt. xi. p. 437. The copy was made by a careful and accurate scribe of the fifteenth or possibly the fourteenth century. The spelling is but slightly modernised, the old-Irish forms are well preserved, and on the whole it must be said that, of all MSS., R supplies us with the best text. Still, it is by no means perfect, and is not seldom corrected by MSS. of far inferior value. Thus, in § 4 it has the faulty cethror for cetheoir; in § 25 dib for the dissyllabic diib; in § 61, the senseless namna instead of nammá. The scribe has also carelessly omitted two stanzas (46 and 62).

The MS. which comes next in importance I designate B. It is contained on pp. 57-61 of the vellum quarto classed Betham 145, belonging to the Royal Irish Academy. I am indebted to Mr. P. M. MacSweeney for a most accurate transcript of this MS. When I had an opportunity of comparing his copy with the original, I found hardly any discrepancies between the two. B was written in the fifteenth century, I think, by a scribe named Tornae, who, though he tells us in a marginal note 1. that he had not for a long time had any practice in writing, did his task remarkably well. He modernises a good deal in spelling, but generally leaves the old-Irish forms intact. Thus we owe to him the preservation of such original forms as the genitives fino (13), datho (8. 13), glano (3. 12), of étsecht (13), etc.

p. ix

H denotes a copy contained in the British Museum MS. Harleian 5280, fo. 43a--44b. For a description of this important MS., which was written in the sixteenth century, see Hibernica Minora (Anecdota Oxoniensia, Mediæval and Modern series--Part VIII.), pp. v and vi. In this copy the spelling and forms are considerably, but by no means consistently, modernised. In a few cases H has preserved the original reading as against the corruptions of all or most of the other MSS. Thus it has cetheoir (4), muir glan (35), moitgretha (8), etc.

E is a copy contained on fo. 11b, 2--13a, 2 of the British Museum MS. Egerton 88, a small vellum folio, written in the sixteenth century. The text is largely modernised and swarms with mistakes and corruptions. By sheer good luck the scribe sometimes leaves the old forms intact, as when he writes órdi 14, adig 21, Ildadig 22, mrecht 24.

S is contained in the Stockholm Irish MS., p.p. 2-8. I am indebted to Mr. Whitley Stokes for a loan of his transcript of the whole MS. S is deficient at the end, breaking off with the words amhal bid atalam nobeth tresna hilcetaib bliadan (65). It is of very inferior value, being modernised almost throughout in spelling and forms, and full of corrupt readings, which I have not always thought it worth while to reproduce in ray footnotes.

L is the copy contained in the well-known MS. belonging to Trinity College, Dublin, marked H. 2. 16, and commonly called the Yellow Book of Lecan, col. 395-399 This MS. dates from the fourteenth century. It is of most unequal

p. x

value. The scribe, in his endeavour to make the original, mostly unintelligible to him, yield some sense, constantly alters in the most reckless and arbitrary manner. At other times he puts down whole lines of mere gibberish. A good instance of his method is the following rendering of the 34th quatrain:

Is ar muir nglan dochíu innoe
inata Bran bres agnæ
is mag mell dimuig a scoth
damsa i carput da roth.
As in the case of S, I have not thought it necessary to give all the variants of L. Yet in a few instances even L has by a mere chance preserved original readings abandoned by the other scribes, e.g. isa tír (6a), ind nathir (45), bledhin (62).

The six MSS. here enumerated, though frequently varying in details, offer on the whole an identical text, and have clearly sprung from one and the same source. For even the vagaries of L turn out on closer inspection to be mere variants of the same original text. Under these circumstances it was a comparatively easy task to reconstruct a critical text. In nearly every case the original reading was preserved by one MS. or another. Thus almost every form in my edition is supported by MS. authority. In the very few cases where I have thought it right to deviate from all the MSS., this has been pointed out in the notes. Still I am far from flattering myself that I have succeeded in restoring

p. xi

the text to its original purity. In some cases, fortunately not many, the readings of all the MSS. seemed hopelessly corrupt. See e.g. my remarks on dorearuasat, 48; aill erfind, 22; cach ági, at sáibsi ceni, 45. In other cases it is doubtful whether I have preferred the right reading. Thus, in to, I may have been too rash in adopting the reading of L, cen indgás instead of fri indgás of the rest. Considering the tendency of L to alter a less common expression into a familiar one, as well as the consensus of all the other MSS., I would now retain fri and translate it by 'with.' For this use of the preposition, cf. fri imḟochid, p. 85, 3. Again, I cannot claim that the text, as it now stands, represents the actual language of any particular period, containing as it does middle-Irish forms by the side of old-Irish ones. Such a mixture of linguistic forms is, however, not of my own making, but is an inherent peculiarity of most of our older texts, fully explained by the way in which they have been handed down.

But before I speak of this, I will try to determine as nearly as possible the time at which the Voyage of Bran was originally written down.

If we had any investigations into the history of the Irish language besides the excellent history of the Deponent lately published by Professor Strachan, it would probably be possible to determine with accuracy the time in which a particular text was composed. At present we must be content with much less certain and definite statements, often leaving a. margin of a century on either side.

p. xii

[paragraph continues] In the case of old-Irish, it is mainly by comparing the language of a given text with that of the continental glosses that we arrive at anything like a trustworthy conclusion, and this I propose to do in the present case.

There are a large number of forms in the Voyage of Bran as old as any to be found in the Würzburg glosses. The oldest part of these glosses, Professor Thurneysen, the most careful and cool-headed of observers, does not hesitate to ascribe to the seventh century. 1

I now subjoin a list of these oldest forms, leaving aside anything of a doubtful or unexplained nature.

First. as to sounds and their representation, the following archaic forms and spellings are noticeable:

Final e, early broadened to æ, ae, later a: sube, 8; comamre, so: móramre, 29: labre, 29: blédne (later blíadna), 55, 58.

Final i, early broadened to ai: adamri, cadli, 11; órdi, 14; crédumi, 14; also blédin (later bliadain), 62; adig (later adaig), 24; athir, 45, 57; i for infected a: Ildadig, 24.

Initial m before r: mrath, 9; mrecht, 23, 24; mruig, 9, 23, 24, 54.

ld for later ll: meld, 14, 39; inmeldag, 41.

éu for éo: céul, 9, 18, etc.

ói for later óe: cróib, 3; óin, 13 tróithad, 30.

Also, perhaps, b for f in graibnid, 23; airbitiud, 18; and oa for úa: sloag, 17 (R), cloais, 9, etc.

p. xiii

In the declension, notice the neuter nouns a rígthech, 1; a céol, 2; am-mag, 5; am-muir, 12; muir glan, without nasal infection later added by analogy with neuter o-stems, 17, 28, 30; fris’ tóibgel tonnat, 2; cusa cluchemag, 20; isa tír, 62, etc. The following genitives sing. of i-stems occur: glano, 3, 12; mora, 37; of u-stems: betho, 27; fedo, 42; fino, 13: datho, 8, 13; the datives sing. of o-stems: láur, 1; Braun, 2; the accusatives plural: rúna, 52; nime, 28: muire. 48; tedman, 21; the genitive plural: dúle, 44.

In the article the full form inna is of constant occurrence. In the poetry it is twice shortened to ’na in the gen. plur. (26, 30).

Among prepositions, notice such a form as dóu, 29, 32, 51; the use of íar with the dative. 26, 32; the careful distinction between di and do.

But it is in the verbal system that the archaic character of the language appears to greatest advantage. The distinction between conjunct and absolute as well as between dependent and independent forms is preserved throughout.

Present indicative, sg. 1: atchíu, 15--sg. 2: immerái, 37; forsn-aicci, 38; nad aicci, 19; nofethi, 49--sg. 3: mescid, 16: canid, 18; graibnid, 23; forsnig, 6, 12; dosnig, 12, 22; comérig, 17; tormaig, 18: foafeid, 22; immaréid, 33; frisbein, 16; frisseill, 59; forosna, 16; consna, 5; immustimerchel, 19; taitni (dep.), 6; tibri (dep.), 35; donaidbri; 17--pl. 3: lingit, 38; bruindit, 36; taircet (dep.), 14, 40; ní frescet, 18, 23 immataitnet, 4; taitnet (dep.), 40; taitnet

p. xiv

[paragraph continues] (independent!), 8, 36; congairet, 7; forclechtat, 5; foslongat, 4; frisferat, 21; forsngairet, 7.

Present subjunctive, sg. 3: tróithad, 30; imraad, 60 ; étsed, 29.

T-preterite, sg. 3: dorúasat, 27 ronort, 46.

Reduplicated preterite, sg. 3: ruchúala, 20.

S-future, sg. 3: silis, 55; conlee, 51; adfí, 52. Secondary s-fut., sg. 2: rista, 30.

Reduplicated future, sg. 1: fochicher, 56; arungén, 57--sg. 3: gébid, 26; adndidma, 51; timgéra, 59.

E-future, sg. 2: ricfe, 60--sg. 3: glanfad, 28; dercfid, 55; ticfa (independent!). 26, 48; rothicfa, 49; móithfe, 52; fuglóisfe, 48; ícfes, 28.

Imperative, sg. 2: tuit, 30; tinscan, 30.

Verbal nouns: étsecht, 13, 24; óol, 13; imram, 17; airbitiud, 18.

The following passive forms occur: pres. ind. pl., agtar, 54; sec. pers. sg., atchetha, 12, 39; red. fut. sg., gébthir, 57; gérthair, 51; pret. sg., adfét, 29; atfess, 29; s-fut. sg., festar, 26.

As to old syntactic usage, notice the adjective and substantive attributes placed before the noun, 4, 13, 19, 29, 43.

Lastly, I would draw attention to the use of the following words as dissyllabic, though as most of them continue to be so used as late as the tenth century, such use is not in itself proof of great antiquity.

bíi, 9; bíaid, 50, 53, 55; bías, 27. Cf. Salt. na Rann, ll. 8021, 8202; Trip. Life, pp. 70, 22; 222, 4, 6, etc. But

p. xv

their use as monosyllables is far more frequent in Salt. na Rann. See ll. 835, 1076, 1599, 1951, 1952, 2043, 2047, 3275, 3320, 3353, 5046, 6255, 6325.

cía, 'mist,' 11.

criad, gen. of cré, 'clay,' 50, as in the dat. criaid, Salt. 7683, 7769. Monosyllabic in Salt. 394 (leg. criaid), 8230.

día, 'God,' 48. Cf. l. 18 in Sanctán's hymn:

friscéra Día dúlech.
and Salt. 1905, 2013, 2685, 5359, 7157, 7969, 8074. Monosyllabic in Salt. 649, 1917, 1950, 2742, 3121, 3308, 7976.

diib, 'of them,' 25; as in Salt. 375 (sic leg.), 437. But monosyllabic in Salt. 4975, 4985, 5461, 5417, 5869, 7704.

fia, 11.

fóe, 'under her,' 6.

óol, 'drinking,' 13. Cf. oc óul in the Milan glosses (Ascoli); d’óol, Salt. 1944.

úain, 'lambs,' 38.

It will be observed that the above forms are taken almost exclusively from the poetry. The prose, though it preserves a large number of undoubtedly old-Irish forms, also contains a good deal of what is clearly of middle-Irish origin, more particularly in the verbal forms. The use of preterites without the particle ro has been recognised by Thurneysen, 1 whom I mainly follow here, as a decidedly later phenomenon. It occurs in birt, 31; asbert, 62, 63 (bis), 64, instead of old-Ir. asrubart, and in a large number of

p. xvi

s-preterites such as fóidis, 61; gabais, 63; scríbais, 66; celebrais, 66; sloindsi, 62. We find dobert 2, instead of old-Ir. dorat, and dobreth 62, instead of doratad. The late cachain occurs three times (2. 32, 65), for old-Ir. cechuin.

Such Middle-Irish forms, which all MSS. without exception contain, show that the original from which our MSS. are in the first instance derived, cannot have been written much earlier than the tenth century. Bearing this in mind, together with the occurrence of the seventh century old-Irish forms side by side with these later ones, as well as with the fact that the poetry contains none of the latter, we arrive at the following conclusions as to the history of our text.

The Voyage of Bran was originally written down in the seventh century. 1 From this original, sometime in the tenth century, a copy was made, in which the language of the poetry, protected by the laws of metre and assonance, was left almost intact, while the prose was subjected to a process of partial modernisation, which most affected the verbal forms. From this tenth century copy all our MSS. are derived.

In conclusion, I would draw attention to the loan-words occurring in our tale. These are all of Latin origin. 2 They naturally fall into two groups, an older one of words

p. xvii

borrowed at the period of the first contact of the Irish with Roman civilisation, before the introduction of Christianity; a later one of words that came into Irish with Christianity. To the first group belong aball, 'abella'? 23; arggat, 'argentum,' 23, 14, 22; drauc. 'draco.' 13; dracon, 'dracontium.' 12. 58; fín, 'vinum,' 13, 14; fine, 'ab eo quod est vinea.' Corm., 43; port, 'portus,' 62.

Of words of the second group we find: cór, 'chorus,' 18; corp, 'corpus,' 46, 50; líth, 46, through Welsh llith from Lat. lectio; mías, 'mensa,' with the meaning 'dish,' 62; peccad, 'peccatum,' 41; praind, 'prandium,' 62; oceon, 'oceanus,' 25; scríbaim, 'scribo,' 66.



It remains for me to express my gratitude to those who have taken a friendly interest in the production of this little book, and who have in various ways given me advice and assistance; above all to Mr. Whitley Stokes, to whom I am indebted for many weighty suggestions, as well as for the loan of valuable transcripts; to the Rev. Richard Henebry, Mr. Alfred Nutt, and Mr. P. M. MacSweeney, and to my kind friends and colleagues, Mr. John Sampson, and Prof. John Strachan.

KUNO MEYER.



UNIVERSITY COLLEGE,
LIVERPOOL.

[Fairlie]

I. The Conception of Mongán.

Fiachna Lurga, the father of Mongán, was sole king of the province. 1 He had a friend in Scotland, to wit, Aedán, 2 the son of Gabrán. A message went from him to Aedán. A [5] message went from Aedán to him that he would come to his aid. He was in warfare against Saxons. 3 A terrible warrior was brought by them for the death of Aedán in the battle. Then Fiachna went across. He left his queen at home.

While the hosts were fighting in Scotland, a noble-looking [10] man went to his wife in his stronghold in Rathmore of Moylinny. At the time he went there were not many in the stronghold. He asked the woman to arrange a place of meeting. The woman said there were not in the world possessions or treasures, for which she would do anything to disgrace her [15] husband's honour. He asked her whether she would do it to save her husband's life. She said that if she were to see him in danger and difficulty, 4 she would help him with all that lay in her might. 5 He said she should do it then, 6 'for thy husband is in great danger. A terrible man has been brought against [20] him on whom they cannot . . ., and he will die by his hand. If we, I and thou, make love, thou wilt bear a son thereof. That son will be famous; he will be Mongán. I shall go to the battle which will be fought to-morrow at the third hour, so that I shall save him, and I shall vanquish 7 the warrior before the eyes of the men of Scotland. And I shall tell thy husband our adventures, and that it is thon that hast sent me to his help.'

It was done thus. When army was drawn up against army, the hosts saw something---a noble-looking man before the army of Aedán and Fiachna. He went towards Fiachna in [5] particular, and told him the conversation with his wife the day before, and that he had promised to come to his help at that hour. Thereupon he went before the army towards the other, and vanquished the soldier. And the battle was routed before Aedán and Fiachna. [10]

And Fiachna returned to his country. And the woman was pregnant and bore a son, even Mongán son of Fiachna. And he thanked his wife for what she had done for him, and she confessed all her adventures. So that this Mongán is a son of Manannán mac Lir, though he is called Mongán son of [15] Fiachna. For when he went from her in the rooming he left a quatrain with Mongán's mother, saying:

'I go home, 1
The pale pure morning draws near: 2
Moninnán son of Ler [20]
Is the name of him who came to thee.'

[Fairlie]

II. A Story from which it is inferred that Mongán was Find mac Cumaill, and the cause of the death of Fothad Airgdech. 1

Mongán was in Rathmore of Moylinny in his kingship. To him went Forgoll the poet. Through him many a married [5] couple was complaining to Mongán. 2 Every night the poet would recite a story to Mongán. So great was his lore that they were thus from Halloween to May-day. He had gifts and food from Mongán.

One day Mongán asked his poet what was the death of [10] Fothad Airgdech. Forgoll said he was slain at Duffry in Leinster. 3' Mongán said it was false. The poet said he would satirise him with his lampoons, and he would satirise his father and his mother and his grandfather, and he would sing (spells) upon their waters, so that fish should not be caught in their [15] river-mouths. He would sing upon their woods, so that they should not give fruit, upon their plains, so that they should be barren for ever of any produce. Mongán promised him his will of precious things as far as (the value of) seven handmaids, or twice seven handmaids, or three times seven. At last he offers [20] him one-third, or one-half of his land, or his whole land; at last (anything) save only his own liberty with (that of) his wife Breóthigernd, unless he were redeemed before the end of three days. The poet refused all except as regards the woman. For the sake of his honour Mongán consented. Thereat the [25] woman was sorrowful. The tear was not taken from her cheek. Mongán told her not to be sorrowful, help would certainly come to them.

So it came to the third day. The poet began to enforce his [5] bond. Mongán told him to wait till evening. He and his wife were in their bower. The woman weeps as her surrender drew near and she saw no help. Mongán said: 'Be not sorrowful, woman. He who is even now coming to our help, I hear his feet in the Labrinne.' 1

[10] They wait a while. Again the woman wept. 'Weep not, woman ' He who is now coming to our help, I hear his feet in the Máin.' 2

Thus they were waiting between every two watches of the day. She would weep, he would still say: 'Weep not, woman, [15] He who is now coming to our help, I hear his feet in the Laune, in Lough Leane, 3 in the Morning-star River between the Úi Fidgente and the Arada, 4 in the Suir on Moy-Fevin 5 in Munster, in the Echuir, 1 in the Barrow, in the Liffey, 2 in the Boyne, in the Dee, 3 in the Tuarthesc, 4 in Carlingford Lough, in the Nid, 5 in the Newry river, in the Larne Water in front of Rathmore.'

When night came to them, Mongán was, on his couch in his palace, and his wife at his right hand, and she sorrowful. The [5] poet was summoning them by their sureties and their bonds. While they were there, a man is announced approaching the rath from the south. His cloak was in a fold around him, and in his hand a headless spear-shaft that was not very small. By that shaft he leapt across the three ramparts, so that he was in [10] the middle of the garth, thence into the middle of the palace, thence between Mongán and the wall at his pillow. The poet was in the back of the house behind the king. The question is argued in the house before the warrior that had come. 'What is the matter here?' said be. 'I and the poet yonder,' said [15] Mongán, 'have made a wager about the death of Fothad Airgdech. He said it was at Duffry in Leinster. I said that was false.' The warrior said the poet was wrong. 'It will be . . .,' said Forgoll, '. . .' 6 'That were not good,' said the warrior. 'It shall be proved. 'We were with thee, with Find,' said the [20] warrior. 'Hush!' said Mongán, 'that is not fair.' 'We were with Find, then,' said he. 'We came from Scotland. We met with Fothad Airgthech here yonder on the Larne river. There we fought a battle. I made a cast at him, so that it passed through him and went into the earth beyond him and left its iron head in the earth. This here is the shaft that was in that spear. The bare stone from which I made that cast will be found, and the iron head will be found in the earth, and the [5] tomb of Fothad Airgdech will be found a little to the east of it. A stone chest is about him there in the earth. There, upon the chest, are his two bracelets of silver, and his two arm-rings, and his neck-torque of silver. And by his tomb there is a stone pillar. And on the end of the pillar that is in the earth [10] there is Ogam. This is what it says: "This is Eochaid Airgdech. Cáilte slew me in an encounter against Find."'

They went with the warrior. Everything was found thus. It was Cáilte, Find's foster-son, that had come to them. Mongán, however, was Find, though he would not let it be told.

Footnotes

49:1 Fothad Airgdech, also called Oendé, was one of the three Fothads, brothers, who reigned together over Ireland for one year (A.D. 284): see LL. 24 a, 29, 190 b, 10.

49:2 Forgoll seems to have been an overbearing and exacting fili of the type of Athirne and Dallán Forgaill.

49:3 In the barony of Scarawalsh, co. Wexford. Forgoll's statement perhaps rests on a confusion of this Leinster Dubthar with another Dubthar in Dál Aráide, mentioned in Silva Gadelica, i. p. 118, 30.

50:1 According to Hennessy (Jubainville, Le Cycle Mythologrque, p. 339) the river Caragh, which flows into Dingle Bay, co. Kerry. O’Donovan, who gives a wrong nominative, Labhrann instead of Labrainne (F.M., A.M., 3751), supposed it to be the Cashen in the north of co. Kerry; but that would not suit. Cf. tomaidm Fleisce 7 Mane 7 Labrainne, LL. 17 b, 45.

50:2 This must be the name of some small stream between the Caragh and the Laune. It cannot be the Maine, the Irish name of which is Maing, gen. Mainge. If Máin stands for an older Móin, we have here the Irish equivalent of the Gaulish Moinos, the German Main.

50:3 The great Lake of Killarney.

50:4 'The Ui-Fidhgeinte and the Aradha were seated in the present county of Limerick, and their territories were divided from each other by the river Maigge and the stream now called the Morning-star River.' O’Don. F. M., A.D. 666, note. Samáir has been corrupted into Camáir, now Camhaoir, which means 'daybreak.' Hence the English name.

50:5 A plain in the present barony of Iffa and Offa East, south of SIievenaman, co. Tipperary.

51:1 Not identified. It should be in co. Kilkenny. One would expect the Nore to have been mentioned, which Cálite had to cross. Perhaps Echuir is an old name for the Nore.

51:2 Ruirthech, for ro-rethech, 'the strong running,' an old name for the Liffey. Badly spelt Ruirech by O’Reilly.

51:3 Níth, now the Dee in the bar. of Ardee, co. Louth. Cf. the river-name Nith in Dumfries.

51:4 Not identified. Perhaps the Glyde or Fane in co. Louth.

51:5 Not identified. Some river or stream in co. Down. Cf. Nid-nari, the name of a Pictish tribe in Galloway (Bede, Vit. Cuthb. c. xi.), and the Greek river-name Neda.

[Fairlie]

III. A Story of Mongán.

Now once upon a time when Forgoll the poet was with Mongán, the latter at a certain hour of the day went before his [10] stronghold, where he found a bardic scholar 1 learning his lesson. 2 Said Mongán:

'All is lasting
In a cloak of sackcloth; 3
In due course thou shalt attain
The end of thy studies.' 4 [15]
[paragraph continues] Mongán then took pity on the scholar, who was in the cloak of sackcloth. He had little of any substance. In order to know whether he would be a truthful and good messenger, 5 he said to hint, promising him . . .: 'Go now,' said Mongán, 'until thou reach the fairy knoll of Lethet Oidni, 1 and bring a precious stone which I have there, and for thyself take a pound of white silver, in which are twelve ounces. Thou shalt have help from them. 2 This is thy journey 3 from here, to Cnocc Bane. 4 Thou wilt find welcome in the fairy knoll of Cnocc [5] Bane for my sake. Thence to Duma Granerit. 5 Thence to the fairy knoll of Lethet Oidni. Take the stone for me, and go to the stream of Lethet Oidni, where thou wilt find a pound of gold, in which are nine ounces. Take that with thee for me.'

The man went on his journey. In the fairy knoll of Cnocc [10] Bane he found a noble-looking couple 6 to meet him. They gave great welcome to a messenger of Mongán's. It was his due. He went further. He found another couple in Durna Granerit, where he had the same welcome. He went to the fairy knoll of Lethet Oidni, where again he found another couple. [15] They gave great welcome to a man of Mongán's. He was most hospitably entertained, as on the other nights. There was a marvellous chamber 7 at the side of the couple's house. Mongán had told him that he should ask for its key. He did so. 8 The key was brought to him. He opens it. He had been told [20] not to take anything out of the house except what he had been sent for. He does so. The key he gave back to the couple; his stone, however, and his pound of silver he took with him. Thereupon he went to the stream of Lethet Oidni, out of which he took his pound of gold. He went back to Mongán, to whom he gave his stone and his gold. He himself takes his silver. [5] These were his wanderings.

Footnotes

54:1 i.e. one of Forgoll's pupils.

54:2 Aiciucht, from Lat. acceptum. Perhaps this refers to the tract called Uraicept ma n-écsine, which formed part of the first year's studies of the aspiring poet. See Thurneysen, Mittelir. Versl., p. 115.

54:3 i.e. to a beginner it seems as if he would never reach the end of his studies. The cloak of sackcloth was probably the professional garb of the bardic student.

54:4 Lit. 'thon wilt reach according to proper order the sections (dréchtu) concerning druimmne.' The course of study was divided into dréicht or portions (see Thurneysen, l.c., p. 115). According to one authority this course extended over 12 years, and in the last year certain metres were taught, which were called druimmne súithe, 'height (lit. ridge) of wisdom.' (See Thurneysen, l.c., p. 119.)

54:5 lit. whether his journey would be truthful and good.

55:1 Not identified, so far as I know.

55:2 i.e. from the people of the síd, the fairies.

55:3 lit. these are thy journeys, the stages of thy journey.

55:4 'The name of a hill situated in the plain of Magh-Leamhna, otherwise called Clossach, in Tyrone,' O’Don. F.M., A.D. 111, note. Cf. Cnocc Báne la Airgiallu, LL. 24 a, S.

55:5 Not identified, so far as I know; but see Trip. Life; p. 311.

55:6 sainredach lit. special, seems sometimes, like sain itself, to have the meaning of 'specially fine, distinguished, excellent,' as in inna cáine sainredchæ 'of singular beauty,' Ml. 37 b, to. Or does it here mean 'a special couple,' i.e. separate, by themselves?

55:7 airecol n., borrowed from Lat. oraculum, has come to mean any detached house of one chamber; here it is a treasure-house.

55:8 Lit. it was done so.

[Fairlie]

IV. These are the events that brought about the telling of 'Mongan's Frenzy.' 1

Findtigernd, 2 Mongán's wife, besought Mongán to tell her the simple truth of his adventures. He asked of her a respite of seven years. It was granted. Then that period arrived. The [15] men of Ireland had a great gathering at Usnech in Meath, the year of the death of Ciarán the son of the Carpenter, and of the slaying of Túathal Maelgarb, 3 and of the taking of the kingship by Diarmait. 4 The hosts were on (the hill of) Usnech. A great hail-storm came upon them there. Such was its greatness [20] that the one shower left twelve chief streams in Ireland for ever. Mongán with seven men arose and went from the cairn aside, and his queen and his shanachie Cairthide, son of Marcán. Then they saw something, a prominent stronghold with a frontage of ancient trees. They go to it. They went into the enclosure. They go into a marvellous house there. A covering of bronze was on the house, a pleasant bower over its windows. Seven conspicuous men were there. Within [5] the house there was a marvellous spread of quilts and covers, and of wonderful jewels. Seven vats of wine there were. Mongán was made welcome in the house. He stayed there. He became intoxicated. It was then and there that Mongán sang the 'Frenzy' to his wife, since he had [10] promised he would tell her something of his adventures. It seemed to them it was not very long they were in that house. They deemed it to be no more but one night. However, they were there a full year. When they awoke, they saw it was Rathmore 1 of Moy-Linny in which they were.

Footnotes

57:1 lit. The occasion of Mongán's 'Frenzy' this here. Baile Mangáin or Mongán's 'Frenzy ' or 'Vision' was the title of a tale which is now lost; though one MS. (H) gives this title to the present tale. As to other tales called Baile, see O’Curry, MS. Materials, F. 385.

57:2 i.e. 'Fair Lady.' In the tale printed above, p. 46, 14, she is called Breótigernd 'Flame-Lady.'

57:3 According to the Four Masters these two events happened A-D. 538.

57:4 Diarmait, the son of Cerball or Cerrbél, became king of Ireland A.D. 539 (F.M).

58:1 Monggán's own palace in co. Antrim.